2007年5月18日 星期五

US Educational System

美國的教育制度

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美國的教育制度

今天我想談談美國的教育制度。美國的義務教育是十二年。由於所有的義務教育都是免費的,每一個美國人都可以免費上公立學校。聯邦政府和州政府靠收稅來提供學校的經費。另外土地稅也提供本地學校的一部分教育經費,也因為這個原因,很容易發生公立學校的經費來源出現不平衡的問題。從而也導致學生的程度容易參差不齊。這個資源分配不均的問題一直是美國政府長久以來想解決的問題。
我首先來談談學校的經費。在美國的學校裡,書本費、課外活動費啦,都是免費的。學生只需要付午餐的費用。甚至如果學生的家庭是低收入的,只需要有低收入戶證明,就可以獲得免費的午餐。這也讓所有家長沒有藉口不送孩子去上學,接受教育。
那麼,你們一定很想知道美國的教育的質量到底好不好。由於收稅的差別,有的地區的學校經費充足,有的地區的學校經費拮据。這個差別造成學校之間,有許多不平衡的情況。貧窮地區的學校的輟學率比較高,也有校園犯罪的問題,語言的問題啦甚麼的。甚至他們儘管已經從高中畢業,可是由於這些學校課程的質量沒有別的學校的那麼好,所以程度還很差。
其次我來談談如何解決這種不平衡的問題。政府目前採取兩種做法來解決這個問題。一方面是自由市場機制,也就是用競爭來提高每一個學校的程度。由給學生選擇學校的機會,可以刺激質量不好的學校改善他們的教學質量,要不然,就沒有學生願意到他們的學校來就讀。而學生可以用政府提供的教育補助制度來上好一點的公立學校或者私立學校。另一方面是制定新的法律。這項法律叫“每一個孩子有書讀。”這項法律用考試來評量每個學校學生的學習效果。然而這項法律的缺點就是表現優異的學生沒有機會更上一層樓。
總的來說,美國的教育制度還算全世界的教育制度中最好的之一。儘管美國的教育制度不盡理想,有一些值得改進的的問題,可是免費的十二年的義務教育讓很多人有機會實現美國夢。美國的高中都有兩種的軌道:一種是準備上大學的,一種是準備就業的。後者主要是學習跟職業有關的課程,訓練學生學習一技之長。我覺得美國的教育制度還是有許多可取之處,我以美國的教育制度為傲。由於時間的關係,我就很簡單地說到這兒。

可取之處 kěqǔ zhī chù good points, sth. to recommend it

US Immigration System

美國的移民制度

Immigration Compromise Faces New Opposition
Proposal Stays Alive, But Foes Lie in Wait

Tuesday, May 22, 2007; A01

The Senate voted last night to move forward on an overhaul of immigration laws, but even proponents of the delicate compromise proposal conceded that the furor over the deal was surpassing their expectations and endangering the plan.
The 69 to 23 vote masked deep troubles from the right flank of the Senate, as well as from the left. Opponents of even conducting a debate on the measure included some unexpected voices, such as freshman Sens. Jon Tester (D-Mont.) and Bernard Sanders, an independent liberal from Vermont. Several conservatives -- and some liberals -- made it clear that they cast a vote to proceed only in order to fundamentally change the proposed legislation in the coming days.
With dozens of amendments planned, traps being laid by opponents could upset the fragile coalition that drafted the measure. What's more, Senate leaders gave up hope last night that they could pass the bill this week, ensuring it will be left hanging over a week-long Memorial Day recess. That will allow the opposition to gather strength before a final vote can be scheduled next month.
"Our plan is a compromise. It involved give-and-take in the best traditions of the United States Senate. For each of us who crafted it, there are elements that we strongly support and elements we believe could be improved. No one believes this is a perfect bill," said Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (Mass.), the deal's chief Democratic architect. "The world is watching to see how we respond to the current crisis. Let's not disappoint them."
Senate leadership aides said yesterday that the proposal could probably muster the support of about 30 Republicans and 30 Democrats -- just enough to beat a filibuster, which was all but promised yesterday by conservatives.
The bill would grant legal status to virtually all the estimated 12 million undocumented workers in the country, create a temporary-worker program, tighten border controls, crack down on employers who hire illegal immigrants, and create a point system for future immigration to de-emphasize family ties in favor of educational attainment and work skills.
About a dozen senators who drafted the compromise are to meet every day this week to review amendments.
"The grand bargainers will hold together," ventured Sen. Arlen Specter (R-Pa.), a lead negotiator, "but there are not 51 of us."
Supporters had expected opposition from both ends of the political spectrum. But they conceded they were taken aback by the furious response over the weekend, especially from conservatives, who declared that the legislation is nothing short of amnesty for lawbreakers.
"This bill is compromising to the country's economy, national security and very foundation of a democracy rooted in the rule of law," said Sen. Jim Bunning (R-Ky.).
Worse still, business groups expected to provide muscle to push the bill have instead voiced opposition. Business groups have called the temporary-worker program impractical. They have also protested a provision that would force employers to verify the legal status of every worker in the country, and have said a point system for permanent-residence visas, or green cards, would deprive them of the ability to bring in foreign workers with distinct skills they need.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) has signaled that any immigration bill clearing the chamber this summer is likely to look considerably different from a Senate bill designed to attract Republican votes.
Conservative opposition from think tanks such as the Heritage Foundation, talk-radio hosts and GOP presidential candidates has been echoed by more than a dozen Republicans and nearly half a dozen Democrats. Sen. Ben Nelson (D-Neb.), a pivotal swing vote, said he is determined to reshape the legislation to ensure that a crackdown on the border succeeds before additional job programs are extended to undocumented workers and future immigrants.
One of the first Republican amendments, by Sen. James M. Inhofe (Okla.), would seek to make English the official language of the United States.
An amendment by Sen. John Cornyn (R-Tex.) would impose a hefty surcharge on illegal immigrants granted legal status to help states pay for the medical and educational services such immigrants would claim. Another from Cornyn would allow federal law enforcement agents to use information from visa applications to investigate allegations of fraud in the legalization process.
Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison (R-Tex.) said she wants any immigration legislation to require illegal immigrants to return to their home country to apply for legal status.
On the other side of the aisle, the biggest threats revolve around a temporary-worker program that would grant two-year work visas, renewable up to three times, as long as foreign workers leave the country between each two-year stint. Labor unions contend that the program would depress U.S. wages and create an underclass of abused foreign workers. Business groups say the structure of the program is unrealistic, since it guarantees instability in the labor supply.
Sen. Jeff Bingaman (D-N.M.), with the backing of Senate Majority Leader Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.), will move as soon as today to slash in half the number of temporary work visas, to 200,000 a year. Sens. Byron L. Dorgan (D-N.D.) and Barbara Boxer (D-Calif.) will try to strike the program from the bill altogether, and they are likely to pick up support from the Senate's most liberal and most conservative members.
Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick J. Leahy (D-Vt.) and Sen. Robert Menendez (D-N.J.) promised to try to change the bill's provisions on the issuance of permanent residence status. Under the deal, the current green-card system reserves such visas almost exclusively for immigrants with family ties in the United States or an employer sponsor.
The new system would grant applicants points based in part on family ties but also on education, work skills and experience, and English-language proficiency. Leahy and Menendez would preserve the point system but grant more weight to applicants with family members in the United States.
Another provision in the compromise would give the Department of Homeland Security eight years to clear a backlog of 567,000 applicants who have been waiting since before May 2005 for family-unification green cards. Menendez will push to move to grant visas to an additional 800,000 applicants who applied between May 2005 and January 2007.

US Immigration Sys...


美國的移民制度

今天我想談談美國移民制度。美國是一個由移民組成的國家。如果美國沒有移民的制度,就沒有今天的美國。我們討論移民政策的時候,許多人最先想到的就是非法移民和貧窮的工人。這是因為這些非法移民工人在美國的社會中,是最明顯的問題。今天我想以權衡美國移民政策的利弊來探討美國的移民制度。

首先我來談談移民制度的優點,或者帶來的好處。移民政策的優點最重要有四點。
1. 在科技方面,合法移民對美國作出相當的貢獻。
2. 移民幫助美國維持老人和年輕人的平衡。因此移民可以防止美國人口的老齡化。
3. 在經濟方面,移民帶來的專業促進美國的經濟發展。
4. 投資的移民為美國人創造成工作的機會。

其次,我要談談移民政策的缺點。最大的缺點也有四點。這四點都給美國移民制度帶來不好的形象。
1. 美國的比較開放的移民制度吸引許多非法移民。他們都以為美國是富有的國家――遍地黃金。
2. 親戚基礎的移民造成許多欺詐行為的機會。
3. 雖然合法移民到了美國以後,不應該用美國的福利制度,但是他們還是利用福利來過生活。
4. 語言的問題。美國得付很多錢教育移民怎麼說英文,要不然這些移民永遠成為低下階層。

總的來說,美國移民制度有好也有壞,但是依我個人的淺見,美國得一邊減少非法移民,一邊增加合法移民。如果美國提供移民雙語的教育機會,在經濟方面,我們可以提高他們的生活水平。總之,我贊成美國的移民政策。由於時間的關係,我就很簡單地說到這兒。
由…組成
沒有…就沒有

Press Freedom of the US (2)

美國的新聞自由

Press freedom of t...


美國的新聞自由


今天我來談談美國的新聞自由。據說,在1637年,William Prynn,一位英國作家,寫了一本批評英國女王的書。這本書問世之後,他不但被判處無期徒刑,而且他的耳朵也因此被切掉了。如果William Prynn是在今天的美國,而不是在十八世紀的英國寫了那本書,無論他的書的內容是批評布希總統或者任何一位女王,他都不會被叛有罪,更重要的是,他也不必擔心他的耳朵會被切下來。
首先我來談談美國新聞自由的程度和美國憲法對新聞自由提供的保障。說起新聞自由,我們不得不承認美國實在是一個擁有高度新聞自由的國家。美國憲法第一修正案明文規定保障新聞自由,限制美國國會對新聞自由的影響。其實,為了保護新聞自由,該修正案的內容不但對美國國會進行限制,它也限制美國聯邦政府和各州政府採取任何限制美國新聞自由的政策。儘管政府無法對新聞報道加以限制,然而這並不表示新聞報道是完全不受限制的。
其次我來談談媒體與誹謗官司,並且說明美國所謂的誹謗到底是甚麼。簡單的說除了對活著的人大量地、公開地詆毀名譽以外,對死者的名譽詆毀也構成毀謗。可是在美國要把記者送上法庭打誹謗官司並不是那麼容易。之所以如此,是因為原告必須證明被告散佈的消息已經在社會上廣為人知了,同時原告也得證明讀者只要看到那個新聞就能立即知道內容所影射的就是原告。另外,原告也要證明該項內容完全是子虛烏有,並非事實。用來作為散佈消息的的媒介有平面和電子兩種,比如說報紙、雜誌、電視、廣播、布告欄、照片啦等等,都包括在內。
總的來說,由於美國一般老百姓認為新聞自由是言論自由的一部分,再加上美國的立國基礎和新聞自由也是息息相關,密不可分。因此一旦你說到誹謗,一般的老百姓比較傾向於支持新聞自由,而不太容易接受任何記者因誹謗而被告上法庭。最後我想提出我個人的一點淺見,那就是任何國家機器都不可以國家安全的名義來箝制新聞自由,而媒體本身也應該自律,審慎地使用這得來不易的第四權。由於時間的關係,我的報告就簡單地說到這兒。請你們多多指教。

不但…………,而且…………
是…………,而不是…………
無論A,或者B,都…………
說起……,不得不Verb
對……的影響
不但…………,也…………
對…進行限制
儘管…………,然而…………
除了……以外…,也…………
之所以如此,是因為……………
只要……,就能…………
由於……,因此…………
因………而Verb
以…名義Verb
判處…徒刑
被叛…有罪
提供…保障
擁有…新聞自由
保障…自由
保護…自由
採取…政策
加以…限制
加以…詆毀名譽
構成…誹謗
打…官司
散佈…消息
作為…媒介
提出…淺見
箝制…自由
問世 wènshì be published; come of out seclusion to assume a post
明文規定 míngwén guīdìng clearly stipulated
流傳 liúchuán spread, circulate, hand down
影射 yǐngshè insinuate, hint; counterfeit, cheat
子虛烏有 zǐxūwūyǒu sheer fiction
息息相關 xīxī xiāngguān (as closely related as one breath is to the next) be interrelated, be closely linked
密不可分 mìbùkěfēn intimately linked, cannot be separated, inseparable
傾向 qīngxiàng to favour, prefer; inclination, tendency, deviation;
審慎 shěnshèn cautious, careful
得來不易 délai bùyì obtained only with great difficulty